Agitprop News: Panel 1: Organize the Unorganized

THE HISTORY OF THE OIL, CHEMICAL & ATOMIC WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION
(OCAW was officially dissolved on January 4, 1999, becoming part of the Paper, Allied-Industrial, Chemical and Energy Workers International Union (PACE), and later, the United Steelworkers Union)

BY MIKE ALEWITZ
5 Panels/ 7' x 10'/ 1994

Text from Remember for Tomorrow, by the OCAW

Panel 1: Organize the Unorganized
This first panel depicts the union-building phase of our history, going back to the very origins of our industrial union. The depiction of the earth with "IWW" (symbolizing "One Big Union" for all the workers) represents the Industrial Workers of the World, an early organization that planted the seeds of industrial unionism. The industrial union movement was a struggle for all workers within a given workplace and a given industry to be organized into one union. This was in conflict with the craft union concept which held that carpenters would be in one union, welders in another, etc. Our forefathers in OCAW were interested in building an industrial union as opposed to a craft union. The slogan of the industrial union movement was that "No worker shall compete against another worker anywhere within the same industry and thereby drive each other's living standards downward."
Moving down the panel is a representation of an early industrial union leader, Eugene V. Debs. Debs is represented as a convict - - he went to prison for being opposed to World War I, and in 1920 while in prison he ran for President of the United States and received nearly a million votes (at a time when the voting population was much smaller than it is today). Debs, a secretary of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, was dissatisfied with the conservative craft brotherhoods which organized only skilled railroad workers. In 1892, he began organizing the American Railway Union -- an industrial union which represented all railroad workers regardless of skill.

Above Debs is the Spindletop oil field, where the Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery Workers of America got its start organizing scattered local unions. To the right of the IWW is a representation of a chemical facility; below it are drawn two charters and a newspaper. The Guffy oil workers headline tells the story of the almost instantaneous formation of that union around a cut in wages and lessening of the work week imposed by Guffy in 1905.

Unionists, like the Guffy oil workers, struggled to build locals; however, there were severe hardships entailed in trying to keep locals together due to turbulent economic times and ever more powerful corporations.
Implicit in the attempt to keep local unions together is another one of the key struggles -- the effort to build a national organization. Such scattered local unions as represented by the Guffy oil workers many times had very short lives. Those early local unionists in the Texas, Louisiana, and California oil fields, as well as the gas locals in upper New England, were all aware of the fact that they needed a national organization to knit together scattered local unions to provide programs and a financial umbrella so that one or the other need not go out of existence when members were laid off.

It was not just any national organization they were looking to establish, but rather a national industrial organization that represented all the workers in their respective industries. So, in 1918 some oil workers sought a charter from the AFL (the American Federation of Labor), the federation of craft unions. The charter was for all oil field, gas well, and refinery workers in the U.S. That effort touched off a long-standing fight with the AFL over the industrial union concept.
That same story can be told about the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers. At a much later time (the mid-'30s), scattered local unions joined together and went to the AFL and sought a charter for all employees in the gas, coke and chemical industries. The AFL ignored their request for such a charter, and it was a couple of years later that John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers granted a charter for the gas, coke, and chemical workers under the auspices of the UMW's District 50.

In the mural, the two charters, the Spindletop oil fields, and the chemical plant represent those two principle struggles; that is, the struggle to build a national organization and the struggle for industrial unions. These types of early struggles occurred in all major new industries (auto, steel, rubber, etc.) and produced the modern industrial union movement represented by the building of the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations).

The CIO paper represents the CIO oil worker and the ever-present need to organize.

The central symbol in this panel, the ancient oil derrick encased in weatherboard with Edwin Drake who drilled the first well standing in front of it, represents the first oil well in Pennsylvania, the founding of the oil industry, and the turning of black gold into money and power. From this modest beginning grew oil and petrochemical transnational corporations influencing, controlling, and exploiting the globe. The birth of the oil industry created a whole group of robber barons (depicted by and on the sacks of money), who put together trusts and combines and became the financiers of renown in American history.

One such financier was John D. Rockefeller, symbolized by the Standard Oil truck behind the striking workers. Rockefeller founded the Standard Oil empire in the early twentieth century which was subsequently split up in the anti-trust movement. Most major oil companies today, such as Chevron, Amoco, Mobil, and Exxon, stem from that Standard Oil empire.

In another way, John D. Rockefeller influenced the development of the Oil Workers International Union and also the Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers as well as other unions throughout the industrial union movement. He pioneered the development of company unions to confuse the workers and make it more difficult for the industrial unions to organize them.

The machine gunner raining bullets on the tent colony at Ludlow represents that chapter in Rockefeller labor relations history. The massacre at Ludlow, Colorado, occurred in April 1914. The UMW organizing effort at Ludlow centered on an effort to win a wage increase from Colorado Fuel and Iron Company (CF&I). CF&I, owned by the Rockefellers, kicked the miners out of company housing so the workers and their families moved into tents. CF&I relied upon the Colorado State Militia to enforce their will on the strikers and to machine gun and set fire to the tents. Fifteen people were killed in the massacre itself; in all, 33 were killed and more than 100 injured throughout the course of the strike. Mother Jones marched in the funeral for those killed. "John D. Rockefeller, Jr., won the Ludlow Massacre. The women and children were no match for him," wrote Harvey O'Connor in his "History of Oil Workers International Union."

Ludlow, along with the killing of nine workers (and wounding of 50 more) in Bayonne, NJ a few years later, resulted in great public outcry and congressional investigations. Rockefeller recruited Canadian McKenzie King to assist in setting up a system of company unions. McKenzie King, who later became Prime Minister of Canada, is in the upper right of the panel, wearing the elaborate hat. Struggling against company unions became an ongoing battle in the foundation of the Oil Workers International Union.

The Klan figures represented behind McKenzie King symbolize the terror that always stands behind the formation of a subtle and sophisticated device like a company union. It is the iron fist over which the velvet glove of company unionism has been drawn.

The company union system was not confined to the oil industry; it spread throughout all industries. For example, DuPont in the chemical industry is as much a citadel of company unionism today as is Exxon, the inheritor of the Standard of New Jersey mantle. The foundation of company unions and the fight against them was a key part of the struggle to build industrial unions in the oil industry and the chemical industry in the U.S.

Panel 2: Union Democracy and Diversity
Contained in panel two are specific references to events in OCAW history dealing with the struggle for democracy and the foundation of the Oil Workers Union and the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers. It also includes symbolic references to the fact that the industrial union movement was, of necessity, founded upon uniting diverse groups of people to create the necessary solidarity and power.

As background, there were several concepts of democracy that were part and parcel to the building of the industrial union movement, the building of the CIO, and the industrial unions that formed it. Those concepts of democracy included three aspects: first is the more familiar general political aspect (organized workers are more powerful politically); second is the concept of industrial democracy (having a voice and a say about conditions of employment); and third is internal organizational democracy (democracy within the organization).

Symbolizing the respect that industrial unionists everywhere have for diverse peoples, the rights of minorities, and the importance of civil rights struggles, Martin Luther King is portrayed. King was a strong supporter of the trade union movement in addition to his leadership of the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. King learned that the enemies of black civil rights were often extremely hostile to the labor movement. He became an earnest crusader for labor, particularly municipal and hospital workers. At the time of his assassination, King was leading a strike of Memphis, TN sanitation workers. King, in the best tradition of industrial unions, represents a concern for organizing diverse groups of people.

Near Martin Luther King is the infamous silhouette of a policeman with raised club in the South Chicago Memorial Day Massacre of 1937. That massacre was a terrible event; some described it as a police riot in the building of the CIO in "Little Steel". It occurred during a rally held around the Republic Steel strike, and multitudes of strikers and their families were tear- gassed, brutally beaten and shot in the back at point blank range as they retreated from the surprise police attack. Patrol wagons were piled full of wounded and dying people. Ten men were killed and more than a hundred men, women and children were wounded and maimed. "Out of their deaths came the organization of Republic Steel and Little Steel, 10 percent raises for thousands of their brother unionists, recognition of the union and the five-day, forty- hour week.

Out of their deaths, and the deaths of others like them, out of the unity of millions, came the triumph that was the CIO." (Labor's Untold Story)
In the early days, as now, an operative strategy for employers is divide and conquer; for the industrial unions, racial unity meant victory. The lower left of this panel portrays the early racism in unions. It was common, even in the Oil Workers and Gas, Coke, to have black locals and white locals. When black locals supported white locals in strikes, employers would bring in the Ku Klux Klan and others to terrorize the black workers. J. Paul Getty in his top hat represents a common occurrence -- an employer hiding behind an up-front terrorist group, in this case, the Klan.

The Working Man's Advocate, an early labor newspaper, symbolizes early impulses to have a political party to represent working people. As such, it is a forerunner to our own historic efforts to found a Labor Party.
The workers with signs appear as a counterpoint to the Memorial Day Massacre symbols on the left. The signs call for black and white unity, fighting police brutality, and a seven-hour day and a five-day week.

When early unionists began organizing in the plants that were formed after the Civil War in this country, they found many women workers, immigrants, and newly-freed slaves that had moved up from the South. CIO organizers who were recruited and trained from the ranks of those they were attempting to organize, had to build the necessary unity among all these diverse groups in the workforce.

The woman holding the sign on strike against MidContinent DX and the CIO women strikers provide the recognition that women workers played a key part in the building of the Oil Workers International Union and the building of the Gas, Coke and Chemical union, as well as the building of the CIO.

At the 1936 convention there was much dissatisfaction with the way leaders of the Oil Workers Union had performed in years prior to that convention. Many rank-and-file members wanted to reform their union and make it more like a CIO union. Thus Local 210 from Hammond, Indiana, which had always been a key local union in the building of the Oil Workers Organization, spearheaded a move to reorganize the union. This reform movement is represented by the convention delegates' hands raised in support of a reform measure sponsored by Local 210.

A central part of that reorganization was the development of the rank-and-file executive board, a singular symbol of our internal organizational democracy, which we have today. That rank-and- file executive board was charged with the responsibility of overseeing the officers' operations in between conventions and making sure that the officers adopted programs and carried them out in the interest of the rank-and-file.

A corresponding singular event in the history of the other forerunner union, the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers, occurred with the exit of the Chemical Workers from the United Mine Workers District 50 in 1942. That event is characterized by John L. Lewis, president of the UMW, whose face is visible under the CIO charter to the UGCCW.

Again, this was a specific singular reaction on the part of the Chemical Workers to the fact the UMW District 50 did not afford them any internal democracy; they had no say within that organization and to rectify that, they petitioned Lewis for democracy, and when he refused to respond, they petitioned the CIO for their own individual industrial union charter.
How does this drive for internal democracy tie into the necessities facing the industrial union movement? Industrial unions have to rely on unifying diverse groups of workers in (1) every facility a company owns and (2) within all facilities of every company in a given industry. These groups must then be organized into a single, solid force to compel employers to agree to improvements in wages, hours and working conditions. The central tenet is the fact that workers must not compete with each other, thereby driving down each other's living standards.

Building such unity requires that people have a stake in the organization-- a democratic ownership in the entire process. Bringing people together against the corporations requires that people have a real voice in the union. That's the link between industrial unionism and internal democracy.

But where craft unions were concerned, internal democracy was not as much a requirement. Their source of power in dealing with employers was that they controlled the supply of skilled labor. The same was true in regard to diversity -- because there was no diversity. The skilled craft jobs were reserved for white, Anglo-Saxon men. The early craft unions represented no minorities, immigrants, women or children. Democratic, mass organization was thus not a part of their makeup and history. Unlike industrial unions, those were not things they had to do in order to be successful.

Panel 3: Union Power
This panel represents events in the history of the Oil Workers and the Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers in terms of their respective struggles with powerful employers. What is not depicted is the fact that a lot of organizing had to take place in order to develop the union power that is shown here.

After World War II, technology for making chemicals shifted from coal-based chemical manufacturing to petroleum-based chemical manufacturing and so the Oil Workers Union and the Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers Union found themselves dealing more and more often with the same employers. In addition, both unions were members of the CIO; their leaders were acquainted with each other; and they took pride in the industrial union heritage of the CIO. Thus, this need to deal with common employers and a common industrial union background led in 1955 to the merger forming the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, shown by the shaking hands of the two symbolic workers.

Both unions had been successful in organizing prior to the merger. However, during the 1920s and early '30s there were hard times aplenty for the workers in the oil fields. Not only did they have to contend with hunger, misery and degradation -- they also had to wage a desperate fight to keep their union alive. At one point, before the union was reborn in the New Deal years, the number of dues-paying members dwindled to a mere 300. Thousands and thousands of workers were organized during and right after World War II and, by 1955, it was reported that the Oil Workers had about 85,000 members.

The Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers, officially formed in 1942, had organized thousands of gas workers prior to the split from District 50. They organized heavily throughout the atomic industry as part of the buildup of the atomic and nuclear industry towards the end of World War II, but floundered somewhat in the post- War era due to internal problems stemming from the prevalent McCarthy-ism of the times. By 1955, they reportedly had about the same number of workers as the Oil Workers -- 85,000. The organizing effort in the atomic industryis represented in the top center of this panel.

All of this ties into other things shown in the panel. The power of the corporations that had become common employers for the Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers and the Oil Workers is depicted by the large tanker that's prominent in the central portion of the panel. That represents the power of the multinational oil and petrochemical corporations. Dealing with that power is portrayed in other parts of the panel.

The "52 for 40 or Fight" sign represents a tremendous battle waged by the Oil Workers in the aftermath of WWII. Harvey O'Connor called it "the great strike of 1945". The Oil Workers led the CIO unions into that struggle and set the pattern for settlement within major industry groups post-World War II. The sign means "52 hours pay for 40 hours worked or there's going to be a fight." During the war, workers put in 48 hours with time and a half for the sixth eight-hour day, making 52 hours pay. After the war, workers wanted to return to the 40 hour, five-day week without losing any of the pay. They felt they deserved this fair deal because the industrial work force had made tremendous sacrifices during the war, while corporations enriched themselves from taxpayers' money.

President Truman called in the U.S. Navy to break the 1945 strike. The Navy escorted tankers across picket lines, as the picket boatsymbolizes. The strike was eventually broken, but the union was victorious in other ways. Sinclair Oil, in an effort to repair public image in the aftermath of the Teapot Dome scandal, broke the pattern set by the company unions and offered an 18 percent settlement to the OWIU. The other companies then accepted the 18 percent offer, and according to Harvey O'Connor, the Oil Workers won the '45 strike making the following important gains:

The union survived the company's plan to smash it. Not a single local caved in under company/Navy pressure, and the International Union was intact--hardened by the struggle and bigger than ever.

The OWIU had for the first time wrested wage leadership from Standard Oil and broke its dictatorship over the industry.

The Oil Workers Union was not only the first union to win in the first round of post-War wage increases, but it won the highest increase, higher than the Steelworkers or the Auto Workers, and others.

The OWIU proved itself to be a first-rate fighting CIO union, able and willing to conduct the first national strike in the industry.

This "Great Strike of '45" would not have been successful had the Oil Workers not organized thousands and thousands of oil workers during the '30s and early '40s. By 1943, for example, President O.A. Knight reported to the convention that the OWIU had won 55 out of 60 elections that year. This success did not come cheaply, however, but both the CIO and the OWIU were up to the challenge in terms of commitment of resources to organizing. Throughout the early '40s, the CIO contributed $10,000 per month subsidy to the Oil Workers organizing campaign and by 1944, the Oil Union itself was devoting half of its income (some $15,000 per month) to organizing. Theseorganizing drives are symbolized by the group at Port Arthur demonstrating in the lower right-hand corner. This represents the Gulf Oil organizing victory at Port Arthur in 1943. It came on the heels of an earlier defeat in 1939 partly due to racist counter-drives by the company.

In 1948, the oil companies once again tried to bust the International Union. Having tried earlier with MidContinent, and having been beaten by the Oil Workers in the nationwide strike of 1945, the companies launched another attack in September of 1948. At that time, the California majors decided to bust the union in California. Initially, the solidarity among the local unions was 100 percent, but they were really not prepared for a long, hard struggle. In addition, the companies had a new weapon in their arsenal with the Taft-Hartley law, and injunctions were used right and left. Standard of California succeeded in busting the union at Richmond, and Union Oil severely weakened the locals at Rodeo and Long Beach.

Representing these attacks by the California oil majors is the worker choking the Union 76 company dummy.

The International lost 6,000 members in California during that fray. But by 1950, through valiant action on the part of the locals in California, the union bounced back and launched a reorganization campaign.

It was in the late 1940s that OWIU became a truly international union. American oil companies had taken over the oil industry in Canada decades before. Although Canadian oil workers organized the United Oil Workers of Canada earlier in the decade, by the late '40s they decided to affiliate with the OWIU to successfully counter the power of the U.S.-based oil companies. The first Canadian local to affiliatewith the OWIU in 1948 was in Clarkson, Ontario. By the early 1950s, several thousand Canadians had decided to affiliate with the OWIU. For 25 years, the Canadians were proud and progressive members of the OWIU and then OCAW. By the late 1970s, successive waves of Canadian nationalism made it necessary for the Canadians to seek autonomy. The separation was amicable and relations remain close and harmonious to this day.

Panel 4: Union Action
The depiction of Karen Silkwood, the central figure in this panel, captures the essence of a genuine working class hero whose influence is still felt, and is a recognition of Silkwood's contribution to OCAW's struggle for healthy and safe workplaces. Karen Silkwood was an OCAW officer who died in 1974 while trying to alert the public about health and safety irregularities at the Oklahoma nuclear processing plant where she worked. The story of her life includes fighting a company attempt to decertify the union where she worked, escalating clashes with management, poisoning by radioactivity on the job, and death at age 28 while en route to meet an OCAW representative and a newspaper reporter.
Silkwood also represents at least one of the meaningful efforts in our history of the organizing model of unionism. In a recent column in the OCAW Reporter, President Bob Wages said: "We believe the story behind Karen Silkwood's involvement with her union, her efforts to bring education on nuclear industry health hazards to her follow workers, and her enterprise in working to defeat a decertification in her plant, are vivid examples of the organizing model of unionism at work."

This panel proceeds to symbolize some of OCAW's best moments when the organizing model was followed: the effort to pass OSHA, the Shell strike of 1973, the BASF struggle in the 1980s, the American Home Products tragedy of the 1990s.

The 1967 convention saw OCAW take the lead in calling for a law to protect worker health and safety. A health and safety resolution was passed which led to the formation of a community/labor coalition that was instrumental in the passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970, symbolized at the left bottom. It was a bitter labor/management political fight, continuing for over two years, which resulted in the OSHA legislation. OCAW's role in the early days of OSHA established the union as a strong advocate for worker health and safety. And, in fact, OCAW was the first union to file a complaint under the act and the first to request an imminent danger inspection.

The "Shell Don't Buy" billboard symbolizes a 1973 nationwide strike and boycott of Shell Oil over health and safety. Not only was this OCAW's first strike over health and safety, it was the first major corporate campaign in U.S. labor history. OCAW forged alliances with the scientific, academic, environmental, and labor communities to fight Shell's position that it would not bargain over health and safety. The Union spent nearly half a million dollars to advertise a nationwide boycott of Shell and to educate the public about the need to protect the health of the workers and the communities. In the face of public pressure, Shell eventually did bargain a compromise health and safety clause.

In 1984, BASF locked out 370 OCAW members at Geismar in what was the eighth BASF lockout in a decade. To recall that conflict, the panel shows a "Break the Lockout" button. This lockout, the longest in U.S. labor history, ended in 1989. In the five and one-half years in between, BASF hired hundredS of inexperienced and untrained contract workers to run the facility. In response, OCAW organized a corporate campaign that included forming coalitions with environmentalists; marching on the state capitol; placing billboards with "Bhopal on the Bayou" messages; organizing support from around the world; blocking a hazardous waste incinerator-chemical dump project in Indiana; stopping a planned Geismar works expansion, and generally frustrating and disorganizing BASF at every opportunity. The corporate campaign ended when a three year agreement was ratified, but the coalitions formed during this struggle continue to work in Louisiana to protect worker and community interests.

A more recent event, the American Home Products fight, is symbolized too. In July of 1992, American Home Products Corporation agreed to pay $24 million in damages and legal fees to former employees displaced when the company relocated mainland drug operations to Caribbean tax havens. Nearly 600 members of OCAW Locals 7-515 and 7-838 benefitted from the settlement, bringing to an end one of the hardest-fought plant closing battles in recent labor history. AHP headed for Puerto Rico for the same reason 50 other drug and cosmetic companies have left: U.S. Internal Revenue Code Section 936, the Possessions Tax Credit. Section 936 allows U.S. corporations to operate tax-free when they set up business in Puerto Rico. At that time, this loophole was worth an average $62,000 annually per worker hired in Puerto Rico. Efforts to amend Section 936 were successful in reducing the loophole by 60 percent.

"Hometowns Against Shutdowns" was the name of a long, intensive campaign in the mid-1980s by OCAW Local 8-760 to save 450 members' jobs at 3M in Freehold, NJ. The effort included support from musician Bruce Springsteen who is from Freehold, an extensive advertising campaign to convince 3M to reconsider, and a sympathy strike by South African 3M union workers. Despite these actions, 3M carried out its decision to shut down the facility.

The burning petrochemical complex represents all such disasters but especially the 1989 Phillips disaster near Houston, TX. Twenty-three were killed and many more injured when subcontractor maintenance crews using poor lockout practices caused the explosions and fire. The Phillips tragedy brought to a head industry practices of subcontracting and focused OSHA's attention on the use of unskilled contract labor and overtime in these exceedingly complex petrochemical facilities. In testimony before Congress, Bob Wages said that strong "Right-to-Act" laws are OCAW's "long-term solution to the growing number of catastrophes in the continuous process industry." Right-to-Act laws "will automatically mean a meaningful safety process standard."

The call to "Free Tom Mooney" symbolizes that our union has always been willing to take action to further our principles and beliefs, even at the very beginning. Tom Mooney was a San Francisco labor leader who was framed and sent to jail wrongly. The first resolution passed by the first convention of the Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery Workers of America in 1918 called for the release of Tom Mooney. As a sign of the times, another resolution called for the nationalization of railroads, communications, and the oil, coal, electric power, and shipping industries. Also portrayed is a 1914 battle that occurred between union strikers, the police, and hired thugs in Bayonne, NJ. The cops and the hired thugs were working on behalf of Rockefeller's Standard Oil Company. Nine strikers were shot to death and at least 50 were wounded in a strike at Rockefeller's refinery in Bayonne, NJ. In July of 1915, the still cleaners had struck and within a few days the plant was down. The strike represented the men's rebellion against being punched, kicked and beaten by the bosses. Wages were so low that the workers' children worked in the child labor factories. Standard Oil mobilized an army of gunmen who rode up and down the streets of the slum-blighted city, beating and killing at sight. Once again, Rockefeller won. His refinery workers, leaderless and bewildered, were no match for his millions.

In October 1916 another strike convulsed Bayonne. The mayor, a Standard Oil attorney, and the sheriff again mobilized bands of professional killers. This time seven more were murdered and the number of wounded could never be accurately counted. These were ongoing fights for survival and the public reaction to the Rockefeller arrogance and cruelty exhibited at Bayonne (and earlier at Ludlow) ushered in the creation of the company union system as a response by the Standard Oil Company to that adverse public reaction.

The scene symbolizes the beginning of ongoing union action to overcome and win over oil and chemical company unions.

Panel 5: Keeping the Dream
The artwork on the top page, "Keeping the Dream," is panel five of a 50-foot history mural commissioned by the OCAW in 1994 and painted by New Jersey muralist Mike Alewitz. Alewitz is the Labor Artist-in-Residence for the New Jersey Industrial Union Council, AFL-CIO, at the Labor Education Department of Rutgers University and is the Director of the Labor Art and Mural Project.

OCAW's influence nationally and ability to move issues far outweighed our numbers in the past and still does today. Our agenda for the future, portrayed in this panel, once again provides the opportunity to advance the cause of working people by leading the fight for a national health program, a Labor Party, and a new political and social agenda based on economic security and social justice.

"Keeping the Dream by Organizing for the Future" incorporates the major programs of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union.

All of these programs, plans of action, and struggles represent the best in terms of our tradition as an industrial union. Those themes, starting with the struggle to build a national organization, the struggle to build a democratic organization, and the struggle to build an industrial union, all come together in this final panel, which represents the vision of our union for building a social movement.